Penembakan di Papua Kategori Armed Conflict

Jayapura Voice Baptist,-- Konsultan Indonesia untuk Human Rights Watch (HRW), Andreas Haresono ketika dikonfirmasi majalahselangkah.com, Sabtu, (23/1) mengatakan, kasus penembakan di Puncak Jaya, Kamis, (21/2) lalu yang menewakan 8 anggota TNI itu masuk kategori armed conflict.

 

"Bila TNI baku tembak dengan OPM, ia tak masuk kategori pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, tapi masuk dalam kategori armed conflict. Mereka masing-masing adalah combatant. Mereka mengikuti hukum perang alias Geneva Convention," kata dia. 

Ia menjelaskan, pelanggaran hak asasi manusia adalah kriminalitas yang dilakukan oleh aktor-aktor negara. Kalau tentara pukul warga sipil, ia tentu pelanggaran. Juga, kalau ada gerilyawan OPM pukul warga sipil, entah asli atau pendatang, maka ia disebut pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. Kita bisa minta pemimpin OPM bertanggungjawab, sama dengan kita bisa minta panglima TNI bertanggung jawab.

Peneliti Hak Asasi Manusia dan Hak-hak  kaum minoritas ini mengatakan,  OPM bukan aktor negara namun ia bisa dikategorikan sebagai quasi state actor alias aktor negara semu. Karena OPM memang ingin Papua berdiri sebagai negara tapi masih belum berhasil. Ia disebut sebagai negara semu,"terangnya.

Hukum ini mengatakan combatant, baik OPM maupun TNI, tak boleh menyerang sipil, tak boleh menyerang combatant yang sedang tidak bertugas.

Diketahui, dalam aksi penembakan itu TPN-OPM menewaskan  8 anggota Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI). Delapan anggota TNI yang ditembak adalah Sertu Ramadhan (Gugur), Pratu Edi (Gugur), Praka Jojo Wiharja (Gugur), Pratu Mustofa (Gugur), Praka Wempi (Gugur), Sertu Udin (Gugur), Sertu Frans (Gugur), Pratu Wahyu Prabowo (Gugur),  dan Lettu Inf Reza (Luka Tembak). 

Sementara warga sipil yang tertembak atas nama Di Yohanis, Uli, Markus, dan satu lagi belum diketahui identitasnya. Sementara, warga sipil yang terluka yakni Joni, Ronda, Rangka dan Santin.(MS)

Sumber:   Majalah Selangkah

Human Rights mechanisms: Solutions or problems?

There were two meetings recently concerning two regional human rights mechanisms, which are important for Indonesia’s foreign policy. The first meeting was the 8th ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) on the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (AHRD) in Brunei Darussalam on Aug. 24-26, 2012. The second was the 2nd Independent and Permanent Human Rights Commission (IPHRC) of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in Ankara, Turkey on Aug. 27-31, 2012.

Among other things, the OIC meeting was to adopt draft rules and procedure addressing human rights problems OIC and non-OIC countries such as Syria, Mali and the Rohingya Muslim problems in Myanmar.

AICHR was established on Oct. 23, 2009 in Thailand, based on Article 14 of the Charter. It members comprise 10 representatives from 10 ASEAN member countries.

Although the main objective of the commission is to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms for the peoples of ASEAN, member states opt for the “promotion first, protection later” formula for AICHR. It was designed without the power of investigation, monitoring, enforcement and interpretation of its Terms of Reference (TOR). The Commission is not equipped with a communication mechanism that allows members to reach out to people who endure human rights abuses on a daily basis.

Likewise, the statutes do not give the Commission a mandate to investigate human rights violations in member states. Rather is an advisory organ. Article 14 of the statutes say that the Commission is further restricted in the sense that it can only offer advice to “approving member states”.

While ASEAN member states appoint their representatives to AICHR for a period of three years, IPHRC employs a competitive selection process for its commissioners. Member states from three geographical areas (Africa, Asia and Middle East) can nominate candidates prior to the Council of Foreign Ministers (CFM), which elect the experts to work for three years, renewable once.

The formation of the two commissions is considered a landmark of institutional reform within the organizations known for their conservative perception of human rights. The commissions have raised the profile of ASEAN and OIC in the international community.

The current draft of the AHRD has included almost all rights guaranteed in the Universal Human Rights Declaration. But a number of sensitive issues remain, such as the rights of migrant workers, LGBTIQ, indigenous people and minorities and sexual rights.

Its “general principles” specifies that the implementation of rights must consider the regional and national context, bearing in mind different political, economic, legal, social, cultural and religious backgrounds.

Furthermore, the section also states that the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms shall be subject to such limitations as determined by law and to meet the just requirements of national security, public order, public health, public safety, public morality, as well as the general welfare of the peoples in a democratic society. Having said this, ASEAN has different standpoint on the limitations.

Besides, its closing paragraph says that the declaration may not be interpreted as encouraging any state, group or person to undermine the purposes and principles of ASEAN, which refers to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of ASEAN member states.

These unresolved issues in AHRD, scheduled to be signed during the 21st ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh in November this year, have rendered human rights meaningless.

Article 15 of the Charter states that IPHRC “shall promote the civil, political, social and economic rights enshrined in the organization’s covenants and declarations and in universally agreed human rights instruments, in conformity with Islamic values”.

Moreover, the 1990 Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam claims that Sharia is the only supreme source of reference (Article 25). Article 24 declares, “All the rights and freedoms stipulated in this Declaration are subject to the Islamic Sharia”. Article 22 stipulates, “Everyone shall have the right to express his opinion freely in such manner as would not be contrary to principles of Sharia.” Article 12 affirms, “every man shall have the right, within the framework of Sharia, to free movement”, which leads to the understanding that women can only travel with their muhrims (brother or husbands).

Its preamble asserts that fundamental rights and universal freedoms are “binding divine commandments, which contained in the Revealed Books of God and were sent through the Last of His Prophet”. This point submits to the Koran and the Prophet Muhammad.

While regional human rights mechanisms can be more sensitive to the problems and needs of the region and its people or ummah, it should uphold and respect international standards.

The establishment of AICHR and IPHRC can provide a unique opportunity for ASEAN and OIC to genuinely reform their view of human rights. To increase legitimacy and credibility which the two commissions are lacking, the two bodies should raise their bar on human rights high.

AHRD should set up common values and principles of achievement on human rights for all peoples and nations in Southeast Asia. Cairo Declaration should be revised to empower individuals, rather than states. These standards should not confuse the universal human rights norms.

ASEAN and OIC need to promote human rights. Both, in fact, have potential to contribute to the protection of human rights. More importantly, the commissions will show their relevance to the lives of people in the region in dealing with 21st century challenges.

AICHR and IPHRC should be part of the solution, rather than problems. They can play a role in transforming their member states from being the target of international scrutiny for alleged human rights abuses to be the promoter of fundamental freedoms around the world.

 The Jakarta Post News

---

The writer is senior advisor on ASEAN and Human Rights at Human Rights Working Group (HRWG) in Jakarta. The opinions expressed are her own.

Statement Benny Wenda Atas Penangkapan Anggota KNPB di Wamena

Benny Wenda - UK

London, KNPBnews- Informasih diterima terakhir oleh Free West Papua Campaign menunjukan bahwa Kepolisian Negara Republik Indonesia dan pasukan terlatih dari Australia Detasemen 88 Unit Kontra teroris terus meningkatkan operasi kekerasan di Papua Barat, terhadap aktivis West Papua Merdeka. mereka terhadap kekerasan Papua Barat kemerdekaan aktivis. Mereka telah memasuki kampung-kampung dan melakukan pencarian di beberapa daerah terutama di Wamena dan Puncak Jaya. 

Pasukan bersenjata di daerah pegunungan itu menargetkan setiap orang yang memakai pakaian tradisional rakyat Papua Barat disana dipaksa oleh militer dan polisi untuk mengungkap keberadaan aktivis Papua Merdeka.

Tiga hari yang lalu, dalam operasi itu, anggota Komite Nasional Papua Barat(KNPB) ditangkap. Orang-orang yang ditangkap adalah Sekretaris Jenderal dari KNPB di Wamena Kabupaten Janus Wamu (26), dan 6 aktivis lain aktivis, Eddo Doga (26), Irika Kosay (19), Jusuf Hiluka (52), Yan Mabel (33), Amus Elopere (22), dan Melias Kosay (35). Seorang aktivis perempuan Wioge Kosay (18) juga ditangkap.

Pada Rabu 2 Oktober, Pemimpin Papua Merdeka, Benny Wenda menyatakan bahwa “Perkembangan ini terjadi setelah Pengangkatan Kepala Kepolisian Papua, Inspektur. Jenderal Tito Karnavian (mantan kepala Detasemen
88) “.

Mr Wenda mengatakan bahwa “taktik pasukan pendudukan kolonial Indonesia adalah untuk menggiring atau mencap aktivis Papua Merdeka yang berjuang secara damai sebagai pembuat kekerasan,  teroris, agar mereka bisa membenarkan pembunuhan dan penangkapan aktivis kemerdekaan “.

Mr Wenda mengatakan bahwa “Insp. Jenderal Tito Karnavian menggunakan pembunuhan, intimidasi dan represi untuk menciptakan iklim ketakutan di antara penduduk Papua Barat, lebih dari 90% dari yang mendukung Penentuan nasib sendiri “. Mr wends menyatakan bahwa “Insp. Jenderal Tito Karnavian akan suatu hari menemukan dirinya di depan Pengadilan Kriminal International, yang didakwa dengan kejahatan perang “.

Mr. Wenda menyatakan bahwa Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Hak Asasi Manusia (Elsham), sesuai dengan publikasinya telah meragukan kebenaran laporan polisi dari plot bom dan menambahkan bahwa menurut pendapat sendiri dan organisasi lainnya, hal itu dibuat  oleh militer sebagai alasan  melakukan penangkapan dan penindasan “.

Bapak Wenda menambahkan bahwa “Ferry Marisan, direktur cabang Papua Elsham mengatakan bahwa semuanya telah dibuat oleh polisi, mereka menempatkan bahan peledak di kantor sehingga mereka akan memiliki alasan untuk menangkap mereka. Semua orang tahu bahwa Komite Nasional Papua Barat adalah organisasi pro-kemerdekaan damai”.

Ferry Marisan juga mengatakan bahwa “Jika kita mengamati kegiatan mereka di Papua sampai kematian Mako Tabuni, mereka tidak pernah menggunakan tindakan kekerasan, mereka sendiri yang memiliki senjata dan bahan peledak”.

Mr Wenda mengatakan bahwa “Mako Tabuni dibunuh pada tanggal 14 Juni dalam apa yang Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Tindak Kekerasan (Kontras) disebut “Polisi membunuh “. Polisi mengatakan Mako itu ditembak karean ia menolak ditahan,  tapi saya punya laporan saksi mata bahwa dia dibunuh oleh pembunuh darah dingin oleh orang bertopeng skuad militer dari Detasemen 88 saat ia keluar belanja “. Mako Tabuni dibunuh oleh polisi saat anggota KNPB lainnya sedang ditargetkan “.

Benny Wenda menyerukan untuk teman-teman dan pendukung Papua Barat di dunia untuk mendorong Pemerintahnya menuntut pasukan perdamaian PBB menjaga Barat Papua.  Benny Wenda mengatakan “Rakyat saya sekarang menghadapi bahaya yang sangat besar karena Indonesia mencari setiap aktivis kemerdekaan Papua Barat.  

Mereka mengatakan bahwa mereka dapat menghapus gerakan kebebasan dan membunuh semua pemimpin disana tetapi mereka tahu bahwa ini tidak akan terjadi dan mereka tahu bahwa hampir semua orang Papua, lebih dari 90%, mendukung penentuan nasib sendiri. ”

Benny Wenda mengatakan “hari ini saya meminta PBB dan pemerintah Amerika Serikat, Inggris, Australia, Papua New Guinea, negara-negara Afrika, Amerika Selatan menyatakan, Belanda, Uni Eropa dan semua negara Melanesia untuk bertindak sekarang karena Militer Indonesia dan Polisi brutal membunuh dan menindas rakyat saya di Papua Barat. Militer Indonesia dan Polisi berkomitmen mendorong genosida secara sistematis terhadap orang asli Papua Barat, rakyat Melanesia dan ini sedang terjadi di Papua Barat sekarang. ”

Mr Wenda mengutuk “Presiden Indonesia dan pembunuh berdarah dingin Militer nya  tang melakukan pembunuhan Mako Tabuni, seorang pemimpin populer yang legal dari Komite Nasional Papua Barat  dan penangkapan tidak sah dan penahanan aktivis dan pengikut kemerdekaan Papua yang melakukan kompanye kemerdekaan secara damai, dan anggota Komite Nasional Papua Barat”

Di akhir pernyataannya, Mr. Wenda menyeruhkan agar dunia membantu, “tolong menanggapi kami dan mendengar tangisan rakyat saya yang sedang meminta pertolonganu”.

West Papua resistance losing fight for freedom

Victor Yeimo (photo ABC.au)

ABC.net.au,--Resistance leaders in the restive Indonesian region of West Papua say they are losing their struggle for independence as authorities step up a decades-long campaign of abuse and intimidation.

After almost 50 years of Indonesian rule, the reins of control are being pulled tighter than ever, with human rights groups saying the frequency and ferocity of abuse is on the rise.

There are even claims that an elite counter-terrorism unit, one that has been funded and trained by Australia, is operating in West Papua where it is accused of targeting and killing independence leaders. 

Source News here:

 http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-08-27/human-rights-abuses-in-west-papua/4225844

The ABC's Hayden Cooper went undercover in the secretive Indonesian provinces, where he discovered a police state operating with impunity.

The sheer scale of the police and military presence is obvious from the moment of arrival in the ruggedly beautiful region - a treasure trove of mineral wealth and a place where two vibrant cultures meet and struggle for the right to rule.

On Tuesday's 7.30, Hayden Cooper and Lisa Main ask if funding and training provided by Australia is being used to target Papuan independence leaders.

Police and military outposts dotting roads at almost every kilometre are augmented by an unmarked, plain-clothed brigade of motorbikes - many of them allegedly police - and a coordinated web of police informants.

Mostly Indonesians, the informants could be shop owners, taxi drivers, hotel workers who watch the independence groups and pass information back up the chain to police for money.

Andreas Harsono, from Human Rights Watch, says West Papuans live in a constant state of fear.

"The Papuan people live in fear, in a constant fear, because of how many human rights abuses they suffered over the past five decades," he said.

And the heavy security presence keeps the closest eye on the independence leaders, including Victor Yeimo, the chairman of the West Papua national committee (KNBP).

Speaking from a safe-house in the capital, Mr Yeimo told 7.30 his organisation was peaceful and simply pushing for a referendum on Papuan sovereignty.

"No we don't use violence. We believe that in the open era, we believe one of the best methods we have to use is civil power now," he said.

"I don't think about how Indonesian they will attack me or target me, I don't feel about that - I don't think about it. What I'm thinking is how I can bring my people to freedom.

Beatings and intimidation

Photo: Two cultures are struggling for the right to rule West Papua. (ABC TV)

 But the Indonesian security forces are determined to crush that struggle. 

At the Papuan National Congress last October, Indonesian forces took the extraordinary step of opening fire on the gathering, killing three people.

Human rights activists say the security forces responsible for abuses like these included the elite counter-terrorism unit, Detachment 88, a unit funded and trained by Australia.

It is now operating in West Papua, where it is accused of targeting and killing independence leaders.

Violence like this stretches back to the 1960s, when the Dutch colonial rulers pulled out.

The Papuan people live in fear, in a constant fear, because of how many human rights abuses they suffered over the past five decades. Human Rights Watch's Andreas Harsono

At the time Papuans faced a choice - independence or Indonesia - and amid widespread reports of beatings and intimidation, 1,000 elders specially selected by Jakarta voted for the latter.

To this day Papuans consider it a travesty, and they have fought to overturn it, with Amnesty International estimating that at least 100,000 Papuans have been killed since the 1960s.

Extra-judicial killings in Papua still happen frequently - in 2010 alone, the Asian Human Rights Commission reported a dozen cases, and video of torture and abuse at the hands of Indonesian forces is common.

Death toll

The death toll from the past three months alone speaks for itself, with five KNBP activists targetted and killed by police or military forces.

And just eight weeks ago the Indonesian army went on a violent rampage, attacking a town near Wamena in the country's Highlands.

"That day the army soldiers came and punished us," one witness said.

"I got beaten and had to have six stitches in my hand and also 20 stitches in my head.

"They beat me in the legs and now it is hard to walk. That's how they punished us."

The witnesses say 300 soldiers destroyed the village in retaliation for the death of one of their own, injuring dozens of villagers, killing one man and burning down 87 houses.

That is the consequence of the struggle. We know that we will die, we will shot by them.
It's not a new thing, it's not a new story, we have been killed by them - many of our elder have already been killed by Indonesia. But we will struggle for freedom because if not me, who?West Papua resistance leader Victor Yeimo

"My house was burnt down by the battalion and I have still haven't been compensated," another witness said.

"This house was built when I was a child. Now we are living in huts, in tents."
Struggle for freedom

Andreas Harsono sees it as an all-too-common example of the military acting without boundary.

"The army says they are investigating the soldiers," he said.

"But from what I know, the witnesses, survivors, the people whose houses were burnt, none of them, especially the prominent ones, the most articulate ones, none of them say they have ever been questioned by military police over the rampage.

"So these are things happening over and over again in Papua."

Despite the overwhelming odds, Mr Yeimo says he is determined to keep fighting, even if it means his name could soon be added to the list of the dead. 

"That is the consequence of the struggle," he said. "We know that we will die, we will shot by them. "It's not a new thing, it's not a new story, we have been killed by them - many of our elder have already been killed by Indonesia. "But we will struggle for freedom because if not me, who?

There's no way - we will struggle, we will fight or we will be lost from this country. "We know it."

Fear, Grief and Hope in Occupied West Papua

The complex and volatile situation in West Papua raises questions about the role of international advocacy

Papuan Rally KNPB (photo martin)

The months of May and June have seen new waves of terror sweep through the troubled region of West Papua. Tens of “mysterious killings” have been reported, occurring mostly in the Papuan capital of Jayapura. Security guards, students, and soldiers have been shot dead; a woman’s mutilated body was found; and a German biologist narrowly survived being shot in the chest at a popular beach. With worldwide coverage of these incidents, the Indonesian security establishment has manipulated the climate of terror to justify more intense repression of Papuan nationalist groups. This campaign climaxed on June 14 with the assassination of Mako Tabuni, the vocal deputy chair of KNPB (West Papua National Committee) – an organization that has been at the forefront of mass mobilizations demanding a referendum on Papuan independence. While advocates in the West have recently seen more success in terms of putting Papuan human rights on the international community’s agenda, this international visibility has been matched in Papua by the proliferation of forms of state terror. This increasingly tense situation may demand a re-evaluation of the work of international solidarity advocates.

Here published: Intercontinentalcry.org/

(Not-so-)Mysterious Killings

The latest incidents in Jayapura have been shrouded in uncertainty and subject to wildly contrasting interpretations. Human rights activists in Jakarta and Jayapura, accustomed to seeing the hand of security forces behind such “mysterious” terror, have issued statements critical of Jakarta’s “security approach”, suggesting that the army and police are themselves responsible for the violence. While these critical views have informed international news coverage, Indonesian news coverage has tended to give more space to police statements evoking shadowy “unknown persons” and pinning the blame on the student activists of KNPB as well as the wider network of underground Papuan nationalist resistance, OPM (Free Papua Organization).

Politically speaking, it is hard to see what Papuan nationalists could gain from inflicting public terror. Human rights activists have pointed out the professional aspect of the shootings, suggesting sniper expertise only available to elite state units such as Kopassus (Army Special Forces Commando) or Densus 88 (the Australian- and US- funded Police counter-terrorism unit). As with the fatal shooting ambush on a bus outside Jayapura last August, which took place the day before a major KNPB mass rally (itself timed to welcome a conference on Papuan independence in the UK), the latest killings appear to have been staged by powerful elements in the security forces so as to disrupt grassroots pro-independence mobilizations.

The recent episode also recalls the massive campaign of “petrus” (contraction of penembakan misterius, “mysterious shooting”) against so-called “criminals” in Jakarta, used by Suharto’s New Order regime to entrench its power in the 1980s. The police attributing the label “criminal” to KNPB leaders such as Mako Tabuni feeds a perception that Indonesian governance in Papua continues to employ a version of the “politics of fear” that sustained the New Order for so long.

The new petrus campaign in Jayapura, and the assassination has set the stage for, and has unfolded alongside other forms of terror. Just a week before Mako Tabuni’s murder, an outbreak of brutality was triggered in the main highlands town of Wamena when two Indonesian soldiers on a motorcycle struck a Papuan child. After some local residents reacted angrily by stabbing the soldiers to death, the soldiers’ fellow troops from the notorious Infantry Battalion 756 “Wim Ane Sili” (local Dani language for “House of the Sound of War”) descended on the scene armed with bayonets and rifles, and unleashed a vengeful swath of destruction. 

The attacks left several locals dead or injured, an entire village razed to the ground, and hundreds of Papuan residents displaced to the bush.  Battalion troops then rampaged through Wamena town, burning regional government buildings and the homes of both indigenous Papuans and Indonesian settlers. In the aftermath of the violence, with many residents still in hiding, local human rights activists evoked the memory of the October 2000 incidents known as “Bloody Wamena” (Wamena Berdarah) – when deadly riots and a massive crackdown followed police attacks on posts flying the Morning Star flag of Papuan nationalism.[1]

In a Context of Fear, KNPB Mobilizes

Recent events in Wamena have reflected tensions in Jayapura. KNPB is known to have an especially strong support base among students from the highlands region around Wamena who have settled in the coastal metropolis of Jayapura. Highlanders are often subject to especially severe forms of the racism that most Papuans face in the Indonesian urban context. Though KNPB’s mass mobilizations have been largely peaceful, stereotypes of violent and chaotic highlanders have been used to build fear of their politics via conspiratorial text messages presumably circulated by intelligence agents – a form of rumour that many Papuans refer to as “terror” (teror).

In the face of fear and intimidation, KNPB has continued to mobilize, organizing mass protests to denounce the role of state security agents in creating the climate of terror. In a press release days before Mako Tabuni’s death, KNPB suggested that state agents had played a role in the shooting of the German scientist, as a response to Germany’s criticism of Indonesia’s human rights record in Papua at a recent UN session.[2] Security forces have responded to KNPB’s challenge with unrestrained aggression, deploying Barracuda mobile tanks and live fire against unarmed protesters, and arresting KNPB chair Buchtar Tabuni on his way out of a meeting at the provincial parliament convened by political leaders to discuss the deteriorating security situation. This is the volatile situation within which Indonesian forces (in this case, reports suggest it was Densus 88) have been able to eliminate a courageous and articulate voice of Papuan resistance.[3]

While Western governments periodically pay lip service to the importance of upholding human rights in Papua, one can guess at the deep (though surely unstable) complicities linking the interests of transnational capital, global governance institutions, and the military intelligence regime on Indonesia’s Pacific frontier zone. The brutal crackdown underway against KNPB targets a group that has articulated a sophisticated anti-imperialist critique of the neo-liberal development policies being forced on Papuans by the Indonesian security state, the global resource companies that help fund it (notably US mining giant Freeport MacMoran and British oil and gas giant BP), and the foreign governments and international institutions who occasionally criticize Indonesia’s human rights performance but who are hostile to Papuan challenges to the status quo of Indonesian sovereignty. This is the global context that enables multiplying forms of terror and allows for the assassination of Mako Tabuni.[4]

The latest wave of killings and repression has come at a moment when KNPB has been intensifying its regional outreach work, enacting a program for a “West Papuan Parliament” that would channel forms of direct democracy towards the goal of self-determination. The prospect of a politicized and mobilized anti-imperialist network spreading throughout the regions of Papua is surely viewed with suspicion by both the Jakarta intelligence establishment and the international players with interests in the region.

KNPB’s grassroots political mobilizations complement the higher-level manoeuvres of the leaders of groups such as WPNA (West Papua National Authority) and DAP (Papua Customary Council), who came together at last October’s Third Papuan Congress to declare the Federal Republic of West Papua (FRWP). As the Congress closed, police, army and intelligence units stormed the site, beating and arresting hundreds and killing several. The newly-proclaimed president and prime minister of FRWP, Forkorus Yaboisembut and Edison Waromi, remain behind bars along with Congress organizers and a growing list of political prisoners convicted of “subversion” (makar).[5]

What Kind of International Solidarity?

Given the complexity and volatility of the political situation, it is not clear what helpful role solidarity advocates can play. The Indonesian state and media do not hesitate to attribute signs of Papuan “separatist” agitation to the shadowy forces of a “foreign conspiracy” seen as responsible for East Timor’s independence. It is worth understanding Indonesian nationalist anxieties in their historical and geopolitical context: the Indonesian nation was founded when the then-revolutionary national army expelled Dutch colonialists from most of the archipelago after WWII; 15 years later, the military launched operations to chase the Dutch out of Western New Guinea as well (the Dutch finally retreated under US and UN pressure). At the time, the standard Indonesian nationalist narrative framed the incorporation of Papua as a question of opposing imperialism, and the West Papuan movement as colonial puppets.[6] 

 More recently, Western support for East Timorese independence – and signs of such support being extended to West Papua – have been easy to frame as vehicles for the West’s neo-imperial manipulation and pursuit of the region’s abundant mineral and petroleum resources. The more Western advocates succeed in focusing global attention on the plight of Papuans under Indonesian rule, the more the Indonesian security establishment can deploy the specter of a “foreign intervention” (like the UN’s intervention in East Timor) to mobilize Indonesian public opinion behind its harsh policing measures. The current moment poses a stark challenge to action-oriented observers: how to generate global solidarity against injustice in West Papua without strengthening the state’s pretext for terror?

Part of the answer may lie in the spaces for exchange that are being generated through networks like Intercontinental Cry: spaces where actors engaged in different worldwide struggles for justice can share perspectives (ideally) unmediated by giant corporations, intergovernmental institutions, INGO culture, or unreflexive settler-colonial privilege. To put in plainly: the international West Papua solidarity movement is in need of platforms for exchange that do not center the voices and perspectives of white people. Subject to numerous waves of colonization, displacement and militarization, West Papuans have political affinities with colonized, displaced, racially-deprived, and otherwise subjugated peoples at a global level. But the dynamics of history and geopolitics have produced a situation where mainly white NGO workers and human rights activists have largely monopolized international access to the scene of West Papuan resistance politics. 

Collaborations with leftists and rights activists in Indonesian cities have been key to the Papuan movement, as they were for East Timor; so have expressions of support by African-American and Pacific US legislators. Still, global Papua solidarity advocates have prioritized high-level lobbying towards Western powers, at the expense of possibilities for “South-South”/intra-“Fourth World” networking. For Indonesia’s deep security state to lose its “anti-imperialist” pretext for repression, solidarity linkages need to bypass neo-colonial adventurist-activist gatekeepers (including this author) – agents of what Teju Cole (referring to the “Stop Kony” debacle) has called the “White Saviour Industrial Complex”[7].

In the 1950s, when Dutch planners were forced to abandon their colonial project in Indonesia, they refocused their fantasies of “ethical” imperialism on the supposedly “blank slate” of Western New Guinea. These colonial agents framed Papuans as “primitives” requiring “development” before they could be allowed to govern themselves. The legacy of this history lives on in the Indonesian state’s colonization project, fed by media depictions of Papuans’ supposedly “backwards” life ways.[8] Throughout this history, Papuans have consistently been imagined as objects to be governed by others, rather than as political actors struggling for dignity.[9] Transnational human rights advocacy has succeeded in getting the story of Papuan suffering out there on the global stage; but the spectre of Western intervention is also justifying and motivating the terror it seeks to stop. Prevailing models of international advocacy may not be working for West Papua; they are easy for the security state to manipulate towards its own ends – which happen to suit other powerful global actors as well. Western-centric human rights champions need to consider making way for alternative paradigms of direct solidarity among colonized and displaced peoples.

Fear, Grief and Hope in Occupied West Papua was originally featured in People Land Truth, an eBook by Intercontinental Cry.

References

[1] See “Indonesia: Investigate military attacks on villagers in Wamena, Papua”, Amnesty International, June 8 2012, http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA21/020/2012/en/1b64dac4-87d7-46c8-8950-f838afa35d87/asa210202012en.html

[2] See “German born tourist shot by “unknown persons” whilst on a beach in Jayapura”, http://westpapuamedia.info/2012/05/31/german-born-tourist-shot-by-unknown-persons-whilst-on-a-beach-in-jayapura/

[3] Police have acknowledged that they killed Mako Tabuni. They have alleged that he was responsible for several shootings; and that he resisted arrest, was in possession of a gun and tried to steal an arresting officer’s gun. Eyewitness accounts tell quite a different story: of Tabuni being shot point blank while being pinned to the ground by a group of men in civilian clothes.

[4] See footage of a speech by Mako Tabuni at a KNPB mass rally in Jayapura, in which he condemns the entanglement of Indonesian state power with foreign capital (in Indonesian): http://www.engagemedia.org/Members/yerry/news/papua-mako-tabuni-funeral-2

[5] See, for example, “Forkorus: International community must acknowledge the rights of the people of West Papua”, Jubi Online, http://westpapuamedia.info/2012/02/16/forkorus-international-community-must-acknowledge-the-political-rights-of-the-people-of-west-papua/

[6] For analysis of clashing Papuan and Indonesian nationalist historical narratives, see David Webster, “Narratives of Colonization, Decolonization and Recolonization in Papua”, http://activehistory.ca/papers/history-paper-3/

[7] See Teju Cole, “The White Savior Industrial Complex”, The Atlantic, March 21 2012, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/03/the-white-savior-industrial-complex/254843/

[8] Scholar Danilyn Rutherford has documented this imperial legacy and its effects: see her new book “Laughing at Leviathan: Sovereignty and Audience in West Papua” (University of Chicago Press, 2012).

[9] Another new book shines light on this struggle, tracing West Papuan nationalists' approaches to the Indonesian state, international advocates, and global power centres: Eben Kirksey's "Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power" (Duke University Press, 2012).

UNHRC: Draft report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review Indonesia

Human Rights Council, Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review

Thirteenth session, Geneva, 21 May–4 June 2012

Draft report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic
Review

Indonesia

* The final document will be issued under the symbol A/HRC/21/7. The annex to the present
report is circulated as received.
United Nations A/HRC/WG.6/13/L.5
General Assembly Distr.: Limited

25 May 2012

Original: English

A/HRC/WG.6/13/L.5

Introduction

1. The Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), established in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 5/1 of 18 June 2007, held its thirteenth session from 21 May to 4 June 2012. The review of Indonesia was held at the 5th meeting on 23 May 2012. The delegation of Indonesia was headed by H.E. Dr. R. M. Marty M. Natalegawa, Minister for Foreign Affairs. At its 10th meeting held on 25 May 2012, the Working Group adopted the report on Indonesia.

2. On 3 May 2012, the Human Rights Council selected the following group of rapporteurs (troika) to facilitate the review of Indonesia: Botswana, Guatemala, Kyrgyzstan.

3. In accordance with paragraph 15 of the annex to resolution 5/1 and paragraph 5 of the annex to Human Rights Council resolution 16/21 of 25 March 2011, the following documents were issued for the review of Indonesia:

(a) A national report submitted in accordance with paragraph 15 (a) (A/HRC/WG.6/13/IDN/1);

(b) A compilation prepared by OHCHR in accordance with paragraph 15 (b) (A/HRC/WG.6/13/IDN/2);

(c) A summary prepared by OHCHR in accordance with paragraph 15 (c) (A/HRC/WG.6/13/IDN/3).

4. A list of questions prepared in advance by Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, Norway, Slovenia, Sweden and United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland was transmitted to Indonesia through the troika. These questions are available on the extranet of the UPR.

Here Download Full Report UPR-UNHRC Report

George Telek and the sound of West Papua freedom at Olympic Games music event, London 2012

The sound of West Papua freedom was brought to the people of London at the official pre-Olympic concert in Greenwich Park, London, July 21st 2012.

As part of David Bridie's Wantok Music Sing Sing, the flag of West Papua was raised as George Telek was joined on stage by exiled musicians Mambesak and independence leader Benny Wenda, as the crowds of British citizens in the crowd sung along for West Papua freedom.

The voice of West Papua will never be silenced and this will be the first of many West Papua flagraisings to be held during the London 2012 Olympic Games, all directed to bring the worlds attention towards the ongoing genocide that Indonesia is committing against the Papuan population.

Free West Papua. The world is watching.

Australia Membuat PETITIONS Human Rights: West Papua

Hak Asasi Manusia Papua Barat

Untuk Ketua The Honourable dan Anggota DPR Australia

Ini petisi dari warga Australia menarik untuk diperhatikan Kator Parlement Australia

Ffakta-fakta berikut:

1. Undang-Undang 1969 dari Free Choice di Papua Barat bukan referendum yang bebas dan adil, karena hanya sebagian kecil dari orang dewasa yang diizinkan untuk memilih, dan mereka dipilih untuk memilih menjadi sasaran ancaman jika mereka tidak memilih mendukung integrasi dengan Indonesia.
2. Militer Indonesia dan aparat keamanan di Papua Barat telah melakukan dan terus melakukan pelanggaran HAM seperti penyiksaan, pembunuhan, penahanan sewenang-wenang, pembakaran rumah dan perkosaan, dengan impunitas.
3. Media internasional dibatasi dari pelaporan di Papua Barat

Karena itu kami meminta DPR untuk:

Meminta agar PBB meninjau Perjanjian New York of1962 dan UU 1969 Pemilihan Bebas, dan melakukan, asli PBB dimonitor referendum untuk menentukan nasib sendiri di mana semua orang Papua Barat dewasa yang diizinkan untuk memilih tanpa paksaan.

Hentikan semua dukungan keuangan Australia dan pelatihan militer Indonesia dan aparat keamanan sampai pelanggaran HAM oleh militer dan aparat keamanan di Papua Barat berhenti.

Dari 3.383 Warga 

Sumber Data base Gedung DPR Australia:

http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/  atau http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/

Download lengkap disini: http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/genpdf/ atau Gov.au.Petition

 

Kematian Mako Tabuni RI Menuai Protes Dari Rakyat London

 (Video Aksi Protes Rakyat Inggris)

Voice Baptist,--- Penembakan Aktivis Papua Musa Mako Tabuni oleh aparat Kepolisian Polda papua 14/06/12 manuai kritikan dan protes dari aktivis  ibu kota inggris raya  London.

Rakyat London yang tergabung dalam Free West Papua Campaign UK, melakukan demontrasi di pusat kota dan selanjutnya menggelar orasi di depan Kedutaan Besar Indonesia di Inggris. Para demonstran berhias muka dengan tanah liat, membawa peti mati sebagai bentuk rasa bela sungkawa atas kepergian aktivis papua Mako Tabuni.

Dalam orasinya, Benny Wenda mengatakan Indonesia melakukan pelanggarah Hak Asasi menusia di papua barat secara sistematis dan jumlah korban pembantaian sudah mencapai 400.000 jiwa rakyat papua terbunuh oleh aparat TNI/Polri di papua.

Benny Meminta kepada pekerja kemanusiaan dan negara - negara dunia untuk melakukan intervensi atas tindakan pemerintah RI terhadap rakyat papua, anda tahu kenapa wartawan asing dan LSM tidak di ijinkan masuk ke papua, ada apa disana, ada sesuatu yang di sembunikan disana, Tegas Benny.

Mako di tembak atas tunduhan melakukan teror dan kriminal di jayapura beberapa hari sebelumnya hayal tiba, Mako adalah Wakil Ketua Komite Nasional Papua Barat (KNPB). Mako yang dikenal paling vokal menyuarakan aspirasi rakyat papua tentang penentuan nasib sendiri.

Dalam kesempatan itu seorang aktivis mahasiswa UO mengatakan, kami protez atas tidakan negara terhadap rakyat papua, ini bentuk seolidaritas kami terhadap kaum tertindas di papua, kemi beraharap kekerasan di sana segera berhenti dan memberikan hak politik rakyat papua sesuai harapan dan keinginan rakyat papua.

Aksi itu berakhir dengan lancar dan berjanji akan terus melakukan protes agar pemerintah di bawah kerajaan inggris berbicara demi rakyat papua. (tw)

20 Gereja di Aceh Disegel dan Terancam Dibongkar

Sekalipun Sidang UPR 23 Mei 2012, Negara-Negara Anggota PBB Menanyakan Soal Intoleransi Beragama Namun Pemerintah Tetap saja melakukan pemalangan terhadap kaum minoritas di Indonesia

Eva Kusuma Sundari.

Jakarta,-- Sebanyak 20 gereja di Aceh, khususnya di Kabupaten Singkil, telah disegel dan terancam dibongkar oleh pemerintah daerah setempat. Gereja-gereja itu dianggap tidak memenuhi syarat pembangunan tempat ibadah yang ditetapkan pemerintah daerah.

Anggota Komisi III DPR dari Fraksi PDI Perjuangan, Eva K Sundari, mengatakan, ia dan politisi PDI-P lain, yakni Adang Ruchiatna dan Moh Sayed, serta Suroso dari Fraksi Partai Gerindra, menerima pengaduan penutupan 20 gereja di Aceh dari Aliansi Sumut Bersatu, Senin kemarin.

Sumber masalah dari penutupan tempat ibadah itu, kata Eva, yakni Peraturan Gubernur Nomor 25 Tahun 2007 tentang Pedoman Pendirian Rumah Ibadah. Dalam Peraturan itu, lanjut dia, syarat pendirian tempat ibadah lebih berat dibanding Surat Keputusan Bersama (SKB) dua menteri yang mengatur hal sama.

"Kalau SKB mensyaratkan 60 anggota jemaat gereja untuk mengajukan permohonan IMB (izin mendirikan bangunan), maka peraturan gubernur itu meminta 150 anggota jemaat," kata Eva di Gedung Kompleks Parlemen Senayan, Jakarta, Selasa (12/6/2012).

Eva menambahkan, yang lebih menyedihkan adalah adanya fatwa lokal yang mengharamkan umat Muslim untuk memberi tanda tangan persetujuan pembangunan tempat ibadah selain masjid. Artinya, kata dia, upaya meminta tanda tangan persetujuan dari masyarakat sekitar tidak mungkin tercapai.

Eva menambahkan, bukan hanya tempat ibadah baru yang terancam dibongkar. Gereja Kristen Protestan Pakpak Dairi yang sudah berdiri sejak 1932 pun dipaksa untuk mengikuti kesepakatan komunitas tahun 1971 dan 2001 yang berisi hanya memperbolehkan satu gereja di Kabupaten Singkil.

"Sesuatu yang tidak relevan mengingat saat ini penganut agama Kristen sudah mencapai 1.500 keluarga. Mereka menyebar di seluruh wilayah Kabupaten Singkil. Belum lagi umat Khatolik yang tidak mungkin berbagi gereja dengan umat Protestan," ucap Eva.

Eva mengatakan, perlu ketegasan dan bimbingan dari pemerintah pusat agar pelaksanaan keistimewaan Aceh tetap dalam koridor NKRI. Menurut dia, kesepakatan tahun 1971 dan 2001 itu tidak sesuai dengan konstitusi sehingga tidak boleh dipaksakan.

"Bimbingan dari Menteri Dalam Negeri (Gamawan Fauzi) diperlukan agar muspida dan Kapolres dapat bertindak adil dan netral bagi semua warga negara sesuai hukum nasional dan tidak tertekan oleh ormas intoleran setempat," minta Eva.

Sumber: http/www.News.Kompas.com/

Dewan Gereja, Orang Papua Punya Hak Untuk Menentukan Nasib Sendiri

"Apakah yang terbaik itu merdeka ataukah yang terbaik itu masih menjadi bagian dari NKRI? Yang kita tahu masih banyak masalah di dalamnya. Ataukah yang terbaik itu dengan implementasi otsus atau apa? Itu bahan pertimbangan Dewan Gereja Sedunia. Bahwa masyarakat asli Papua harus diberiknh hak untuk menentukan nasib mereka," demikian kesimpulan Dewan Gereja dikutip Novel Matindas dari Biro Papua.

Tuntutan Penentuan Nasib Sendiri Rakyat Papua (foto KNPB)

SBP--Dewan Gereja Sedunia dalam statemen terbarunya menyiratkan rakyat Papua berhak memutuskan ikut Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) atau merdeka.

  "Apakah yang terbaik itu merdeka ataukah yang terbaik itu masih menjadi bagian dari NKRI? Yang kita tahu masih banyak masalah di dalamnya. Ataukah yang terbaik itu dengan implementasi otsus atau apa? Itu bahan pertimbangan Dewan Gereja Sedunia. Bahwa masyarakat asli Papua harus diberiknh hak untuk menentukan nasib mereka," demikian kesimpulan Dewan Gereja dikutip Novel Matindas dari Biro Papua, di Persatuan Gereja Indonesia PGI sebagaimana dimuat Radio Nederland, Senin (23/04/2012).
Sementara itu Oridek Ap dari Free West Papua di Belanda, mengatakan, pernyataan Dewan Gereja Sedunia itu merupakan langkah awal menuju kemerdekaan. Gereja sebetulnya harus bicara soal firman Tuhan. Kalau gereja bisa merasa perlu untuk membela bangsa, maka itu tidak ada salahnya.

Obama: Do the right thing for West Papua

Eben Kirksey is a cultural anthropologist at the CUNY Graduate Center who studies the political dimensions of imagination as well as the interplay of natural and cultural history. His first book, Freedom in Entangled Worlds, is about an indigenous political movement in West Papua, the half of New Guinea under Indonesian control. As a guest co-editor of Cultural Anthropology Eben has assembled a collection of original research articles from the emerging field of multispecies ethnography

 

 

Obama: Do the right thing for West Papua 

Today five indigenous leaders in West Papua, the half of New Guinea under Indonesian rule, were charged with “treason.”  Hours ago they were each sentenced to three years in prison for peacefully protesting the government. 

 Published Blog: Eben Kirksey

Barack Obama raised the issue of human rights in West Papua last November when he met with President Yudhoyono of Indonesia.  It is time for the President to once again raise his voice to support human rights in this seemingly remote territory.    

Sudah Waktunya: Rakyat Papua Menentukan Nasib Sendiri

 Opinion By Socratez Sofyan Yoman

Rev. Socratez Sofyan Yoman (foto Dok)

Tinggal soal waktu saja kita senang atau tidak, mau atau tidak akan kehilangan Papua karena kita gagal merebut hati orang Papua dan itu kesalahan bangsa sendiri dari awal,” (Dr.Adnan Buyung Nasution, S.H. :  sumber: Detiknews, Rabu, 16 Desember 2011)

 Sebelum dari seorang ahli hukum ternama yang dimiliki Indonesia, Dr. Adnan Buyung Nasution mengeluarkan pernyataan,   dalam buku saya yang berjudul: “Suara Bagi Kaum Tak Bersuara” (Yoman: 2009,hal. 63), di Cenderawasih Pos, 08 Juli 2000,  pada 12 tahun yang lalu,  saya sudah pernah memberikan peringatan.

Papua Barat menuntut Kemerdekaan

Papua Barat bendera 'Bintang Kejora'. Foto dari ETAN.org.

By Ash Pemberton
Audiensi dimulai bulan lalu menjadi kasus lima pemimpin kemerdekaan Papua Barat diadili karena pengkhianatan. Mereka ditangkap dengan ratusan orang lain ketika tentara Indonesia menyerang Kongres Rakyat Papua pada tanggal 19 Oktober tahun lalu.
Published:http://www.greenleft.org.au.
Konferensi ini telah menyatakan wilayah Indonesia yang diduduki negara merdeka. Papau Barat secara resmi dianeksasi oleh kediktatoran Suharto di Indonesia pada tahun 1969 dalam sebuah "tindakan pilihan bebas" Bangsa yang diawasi Serikat, di mana hanya 1022 orang Papua diizinkan untuk memilih.

Para terdakwa, Forkorus Yaboisembut, Edison Waromi, Dominikus Surabut, Selpius Bobii dan Agust Kraar, yang ditargetkan untuk peran mereka sebagai tokoh dalam gerakan kemerdekaan. Yaboisembut bernama presiden Papua Barat pada kongres dan Waromi bernama perdana menteri.

Sejarah Akan Memerdekakan Rakyat Papua ( 95% orang Papua mau merdeka)

Socratez Sofyan Yoman (foto pgbp)

Duta Besar Pemerintah Amerika Serikat untuk Indonesia, pada bulan Juni 1969 kepada anggota Tim PBB, Dr. Fernando Ortiz Sanz, secara rahasia mengakui: “ 95% orang-orang Papua mendukung gerakan kemerdekaan Papua.” (Sumber Dok: Jack W.Lydman’s Report, Juli 18, 1969, in AA). Sedangkan, Dr. Fernando Ortiz Sanz, perwakilan PBB untuk mengawasi pelaksanaan PEPERA 1969 melaporkan: “Penjelasan orang-orang Indonesia atas pemberontakan Rakyat Papua sangat tidak dipercaya. Sesuai dengan laporan resmi, alasan pokok pemberontakan rakyat Papua yang dilaporkan administrasi lokal sangat memalukan. Karena tanpa ragu-ragu, penduduk Irian Barat dengan pasti memegang teguh berkeinginan merdeka” (Laporan Resmi Hasil PEPERA 1969 Dalam Sidang Umum PBB, alinea 164, 260).  Lebih tegas, Fernando Ortiz Sanz, menyatakan: “Mayoritas orang Papua menunjukkan berkeinginan untuk berpisah dengan Indonesia dan mendukung pikiran Negara Papua Merdeka.” ( Dokumen resmi PBB, Annex I, A/7723, alinea, 243, hal. 47).